Just what I was afraid of...

Joined
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http://www.msnbc.com/news/938233.asp?cp1=1

I'll TRY to keep my comments to myself... I'd like to hear everyone's thoughts on this post(somewhat)war ...

Looks like it wasn't "worth it" (monitarily speaking) after all... not such a good idea to go to war when the economy is about to collapse here at home... uhg ok I'll stop - i'm begining to get a little fah-klempt =]

Discuss

-E
 
The New Right Wing Agenda <http://www.commondreams.org/views03/0613-02.htm>
by Steven E. Miller

What is going on in Washington? What is the larger agenda behind the amazingly aggressive right wing moves coming from the White House? According to the people I’ve been talking to and the articles I’ve been reading, the right wing agenda has three main points, each of which has precedents in earlier Republican and Democratic Administrations but which have been pushed to a qualitatively new level by the W clique:

1) Fundamentally change the role of government. In the Nation a couple weeks ago, this was described as going back to President McKinley. In other words, stripping government of all social welfare functions and all economic regulatory activity. Instead, government would revert to the sole role of protecting property and sovereignty through the use of its police/military power. This change will be accomplished in all three branches. The judiciary will be stacked, the legislature will pass the appropriate laws, and the executive will become more centralized and autocratic. The transformation of our budget surplus to endless deficits is part of this strategy - instead of having to argue against specific social programs the right-wingers can now simply say that they’re being realistic and dealing honestly with the real lack of funds. Pushing the fiscal crisis down to state and local levels (whose governments are often constitutionally prevented from running deficits) further spreads the transformation and diffuses opponents’ ability to fight back. Those functions that simply cannot be eliminated will be privatized as much as possible. The end result is an authoritarian state whose main function is repression of all institutionalized (and individual) avenues of resistance, perhaps even of dissent, particularly the labor movement.

2) Fundamentally shifting the burden of taxation from capital (including profits and all forms of “unearned” income) to consumption. The eventual goal is to eliminate all capital gains, inheritance, and corporate taxes, as well as the entire income tax. Before that, it means finding ways to exempt as much as possible - starting with those aspects that primarily hit the “investing classes” (i.e. - the rich). Radical and repeated tax cuts help create deficits (re-enforcing the first strategic goal). They also make taxation increasingly regressive, putting ever-larger burdens on working families and the poor. Since this is happening at the same time that services provided by government to those groups are being reduced, it reinforces the traditional anti-tax feeling among the general population - making it easier to push for still more tax cuts and reinforcing the general anti-government feeling that has always been part of American culture.

3) Fundamentally change the nature of international relations from a “trilateral” world in which multinational elites collaborated on creating an investment-friendly world into a US-dominated “new world order” in which narrow nationalist goals are achieved through unilateral and pre-emptive use of the US’s military power and everyone else is forced to accommodate Washington’s ability to “create facts on the ground.” This involves the radical transformation or withering away of many existing multinational organizations and arrangements and the permanent escalation of US military spending (which helps support the other two strategic goals). It plays to the US’s currently dominating military strength while papering over our economic and other weaknesses. It also serves a domestic purpose of evoking knee-jerk nationalism and concern for the soldiers, which distracts attention other issues and makes it very hard to mount an oppositional movement. Acting like a bully also helps create the type of world that justifies the behavior. In the Middle East, Hamas and Sharon need each other to legitimize their own violence as the only viable response to the extremism of the other side. Similarly, by acting in ways that assume the world is full of terrorists, that allies are untrustworthy, that security comes from hitting everyone else before they can hit you, the new imperialists help create the very conditions they claim to be responding to, which then makes it necessary to act even more aggressively.

The most important implication of all this is that large segments of the domestic and world population are no longer seen as worth worrying about. On one level, this is just racism and classism. But there’s more than that going on. In the past, capitalism was optimistic and assumed that it would keep expanding, which provided the basis for a “corporate liberalism” that saw everyone in the world as a potential consumer and/or laborer - and therefore having some potential worth. But the new reactionaries see the future as much more of a zero-sum game. Partly, this is an expression of their incredible greed and corruption - their incessant efforts to rip off wealth for themselves and their narrow sets of cronies. In any case, the result is that most of Africa, large swaths of Latin America and Asia, and significant parts of the domestic US population have been simply written off -individuals who may arise from the trodden mass are welcome as junior partners, but there is no concern at all for the general well being of these sectors beyond token PR and the limited need to keep local elites from causing too much anti-American trouble on the world stage.

The amazing thing is that the right wing fundamentalists have been able to seize power and win a large amount of support - or at least acquiescence -- among the US electorate. The people I talk with point to a number of contextual reasons. First, this country lacks any significant institutionalized alternative. The Democratic Party is both complicit and fratricidal. The labor movement is the only really powerful potential organized opposition, but they are ideologically scattered, organizationally weak, and under unremitting attack. In addition, the powerful role of money in shaping our electoral outcomes is another key ingredient in the right wings success, as well as in keeping liberal (much less radical) alternatives from gaining influence in the Democratic Party. The increasing dominance of US media by an incredibly small number of incredibly right wing corporations has a powerful impact. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the lack of any significant “third way,” and the resulting feeling that there is “no viable alternative” has been a very important context for the right wings’ ability to present themselves as inevitable and unstoppable. Finally, the current climate of insecurity, fear, and even paranoia - which the government and media are successfully doing their utmost to deepen and expand - plays an important role in making it hard to opposition to find political space.

Using all these institutional-cultural supports, the reactionary clique has built a broad and powerful coalition. They’ve become a “big tent” for anti-abortionists (pulling in the Catholic right wing), anti-feminists (attracting not only status-concerned men but women who feel threatened by the loss of the “security and respect” given to traditional female roles), homophobes, anti-immigrant and anti-affirmative action groups (drawing on the racist undercurrents that always rise during periods of uncertainty, unrest, and change), gun advocates (pulling in huge numbers of rural and western voters), property-rights advocates (dipping into the traditional distrust of government bureaucracy), business advocates (offering a path forward to businesses increasingly pressed by foreign competition during an economic downturn), and more. And they’ve found ways to give everyone of these constituent groups immediate monetary, policy, and cultural-symbolic payoffs - further tightening their bonds to the government clique.

Most important, by wrapping themselves in the mantle of religion, the GOP leadership has made themselves a vehicle for the growing religious fundamentalist upsurge - parts of which can accurately be described as a fascist movement. Having god on your side means you are always right, no matter what other people may think or how events may fall out. You simply never have to say you are sorry, and all your failures are the result of evil forces beyond your control. Being on a Crusade, having an absolutist and deeply ideological sense of mission, also underpins the right wing’s willingness to use all the power at their command - legal and extra-legal - to push for a maximal agenda. No matter how thin their electoral margin of victory, once in office, they act without hesitation or compromise. They understand that success creates its own legitimacy and its own tailwind, pulling others along with it.

The scariest part is that the right wing lunatics feel that they’ll get away with it. Who remembers Afghanistan, or the absence of Iraqi’s supposed weapons of mass destruction? Who seems to care that our economy is collapsing? In the short term, Bush and company win not because of smarter strategies or brilliant tactics, but because they have access to overwhelming resources and power and they can simply outlast everyone and everything else. In fact, they are so incompetent and so blind to the complexities of the real world that they will make huge mistakes. So it is possible (but not inevitable) that the world situation will spin out of control and the small clique now running the country will have to pass the baton to others in 2004 or 2008. But we should not underestimate their willingness to keep imposing their will through direct (or indirect) force -- the racism, lies, manipulation, and violence used to secure the 2000 election are likely to be repeated or exceeded in coming years.

In any case, while I believe that whoever replaces Bush - either in the next election or in the one afterwards, either Republican or Democrat - will moderate W’s most extreme and obviously counterproductive actions, they are very unlikely to want or be able to reverse all the fundamental changes that he (as the culmination of a process that started with Ronald Reagan, or perhaps even earlier with Scoop Jackson) has so successfully pushed forward. Even if they wanted to go back to the pre-Bush status quo - which wasn’t so wonderful anyway - in politics, as in life, you can never go back. They will have to make their way forward using the “new world order” as their starting point. Already, European leaders who opposed the US invasion of Iraq are making their peace with the reality that the US went ahead anyway and with the overall agenda of which it is merely one expression.

We’re in for a long fight. We can’t pretend that merely exposing the power elite’s wrong doings or failures will cause their downfall. To survive, we need to find issues and movements that can provide some safe space, that uphold a different world view while not denying the new reality in which we live, that can win some concrete and meaningful small victories (which will require some new strategies) while projecting a vision of a more significant change. I think we’ll be dealing with defensive steps for a while to come. But if we’re lucky, we can keep a bit of the progressive spirit alive as kindling for the next wave of upsurge. And the bigger the oppositional movement we build the more likely we are to see significant changes. You never know…sometimes things change much quicker than we anticipate.

Steven E. Miller ([email protected]) was the former Board Chair of Grassroots International, a progressive international development and solidarity organization. He was also on the national board of Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility (CPSR). A former community organizer, teacher, and journalist, he currently leads a small non-profit that helps schools integrate technology into the curriculum.
 

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Electro said:
Looks like it wasn't "worth it"[/B]

Well, that all depends on what the goal was. If the goal was to rid Iraq of WMDs, then obviously they have failed miserably (or else maybe there were none there to begin with).

If the goal was the dominance of Iraq's resources by U.S. corporations, then they have been somewhat successful. I'm sure Haliburton thinks the war was "worth it".

If the goal was to liberate the Iraqi people, then they have also failed miserably. The people in Baghdad still have no electricity, people in most cities have a curfew. Crime is higher than it has ever been in Iraq. In most interviews I have read, they say things were better under Saddam Hussein.
 
Re: Re: Just what I was afraid of...

Eric5273 said:
Well, that all depends on what the goal was. If the goal was to rid Iraq of WMDs, then obviously they have failed miserably (or else maybe there were none there to begin with).

If the goal was the dominance of Iraq's resources by U.S. corporations, then they have been somewhat successful. I'm sure Haliburton thinks the war was "worth it".

If the goal was to liberate the Iraqi people, then they have also failed miserably. The people in Baghdad still have no electricity, people in most cities have a curfew. Crime is higher than it has ever been in Iraq. In most interviews I have read, they say things were better under Saddam Hussein.

I am sure that all of those Iraqi men who had their ears cut off would totally agree with you. I am sure they loved Saddam and his sweet young sons.

I saw an Iraqi man on television the other night who had five brothers. These five brothers were all killed because Saddam felt they were revolutionaries. I am sure they think the war was a total failure.

Those Iraqis defianately looked like they hated the coalition forces when the statues of Saddam were being ripped down.

Apparently some people think that there is no cost for freedom...
 
Re: Re: Re: Just what I was afraid of...

Edwardo said:
I am sure that all of those Iraqi men who had their ears cut off would totally agree with you.

I'm sure all several hundred (or even thousand) of them would not even make up .01% of the 24 million people that live in Iraq. I think most people are more interested in living a normal life without a war going on in their town. It would seem that way from the huge protests that have taken place against the US troops in the last month.

As far as that scene where they knocked down the statues, that was a staged event. That group of people were exiled Iraqis who were flown in with the US troops. This story was exposed in one of the British papers a couple months ago.

Either way, "liberating" the Iraqi people was not the reason President Bush told us we were going to war. If that was his reason, then he lied. Our military is called the "Dept. of Defense" for a reason and that is to defend our country. Liberating foreign peoples is not their job.
 
Either way, "liberating" the Iraqi people was not the reason President Bush told us we were going to war. If that was his reason, then he lied. Our military is called the "Dept. of Defense" for a reason and that is to defend our country. Liberating foreign peoples is not their job.

People are so quick to forget...I do believe the ultimatum before the war was "disarm and prove it or else...." not "let the people go or else..."


If you think that you invade a country, overrun the dictatorship that was set up (and most everyone is well aware it was a dictatorship), and all is well and everyone is going to wine and dine, then you're dead wrong.

Lets take a look at our history. There were mixed emotions on the American Revolution. We the patriots and the loyalists...did the loyalists eventually adapt, and most likely enjoy, their new lifestyle? Probably. Same will happen in Iraq.

These people know no other way of life besides Hussein. Wait until they realize that they will have a say in their government and the way the country is run.

And as far as crime being high, my uncle, a retired police officer (Lieutenant) is on his way with another 180 of the top officers as well as lawmakers, judicial representatives and so forth.

Iraq should be underway in the next 6 months or so...it wasn't supposed to be quick.
 
I realize that. I just quesiton their motives.

The reason they invaded Iraq was not because Saddam's government was a dictatorship, but because it was a Socialist dictatorship, specifically the oil was nationalized and out of the reach of foreign investment. If Saudi Arabia was to nationalize their oil, we would be in there in 2 seconds and Bush would be telling Americans how evil and repressive their government is (and they really are repressive -- probably worse than Saddam).

What bothers me is that on one hand we say we are liberating these people, while on the other hand we have given support to some of the most repressive regimes ever. Pinochet in Chile comes to mind. And even Saddam and the Taliban received millions in American military aid before we decided we had no more use for them.

For our government to now hide behind the guise of "we invaded to save the people from human rights abuses" is quite hypocritical of them. There are many places they could invade to liberate repressed people -- Rwanda and Indonesia come to mind -- but they only seem to invade when there is some kind of economic issue at hand.

It is my opinion that every decision this White House makes has to do with money. They don't send a single soldier anywhere unless it has to do with protecting or securing foreign investment of US corporations. If they decide there needs to be a "regime change" in a country, you can bet its because some US corporation (or corporations) will benefit. They don't give a crap about the people. They would overthrow a democracy to install a dictatorship if it meant some oil company could make an extra buck.
 
McJihad
 

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bling-bling
 

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"Roll a fat one!"
 

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Robo-Bush
 

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Sorry!
 

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Good one!

Three times in his speech yesterday, he couldn't say "nuclear".
 

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Gotta love those exotic Iraqi women!
 

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bwahahaha

Major Stoner, good one...i dont mind it being hijacked... the longer I'm distracted from thinking about the fools running this planet... the better...

-Electro
 
Al Gore gave a speach here in NY a few days ago, he touched upon some points from an interview with a noble winning economist in a German magazine. Yes, some of the questions are very poorly designed, but the answers are what they should be.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Professor Akerlof, according to recent official projections, the US federal deficit will reach $455 billion this fiscal year. That's the largest ever in dollar terms, but according to the President's budget director, it's still manageable. Do you agree?

George A. Akerlof: In the long term, a deficit of this magnitude is not manageable. We are moving into the period when, beginning around 2010, baby boomers are going to be retiring. That is going to put a severe strain on services like Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security. This is the time when we should be saving.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: So it would be necessary to run a budget surplus instead?

Akerlof: That would probably be impossible in the current situation. There's the expenditure for the war in Iraq, which I consider irresponsible. But there's also a recession and a desire to invigorate the economy through fiscal stimulus, which is quite legitimate. That's why we actually do need a deficit in the short term - but certainly not the type of deficit we have now.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Because it's not created by investment, but to a large extent by cutting taxes?

Akerlof: A short-term tax benefit for the poor would actually be a reasonable stimulus. Then, the money would almost certainly be spent. But the current and future deficit is a lot less stimulatory than it could be. Our administration is just throwing the money away. First, we should have fiscal stimulus that is sharply aimed at the current downturn. But this deficit continues far into the future, as the bulk of the tax cuts can be expected to continue indefinitely. The Administration is giving us red ink as far as the eye can see, and these permanent aspects outweigh the short-term stimulatory effects.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: And secondly, you disagree with giving tax relief primarily to wealthier Americans. The GOP argues that those people deserve it for working hard.

Akerlof: The rich don't need the money and are a lot less likely to spend it - they will primarily increase their savings. Remember that wealthier families have done extremely well in the US in the past twenty years, whereas poorer ones have done quite badly. So the redistributive effects of this administration's tax policy are going in the exactly wrong direction. The worst and most indefensible of those cuts are those in dividend taxation - this overwhelmingly helps very wealthy people.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: The President claims that dividend tax reform supports the stock market - and helps the economy as a whole to grow.

Akerlof: That's totally unrealistic. Standard formulas from growth models suggest that that effect will be extremely small. In fact, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has come to a similar conclusion. So, even a sympathetic treatment finds that this argument is simply not correct.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: When campaigning for an even-larger tax cut earlier this year, Mr. Bush promised that it would create 1.4 million jobs. Was that reasonable?

Akerlof: The tax cut will have some positive impact on job creation, although, as I mentioned, there is very little bang for the buck. There are very negative long-term consequences. The administration, when speaking about the budget, has unrealistically failed to take into account a very large number of important items. As of March 2003, the CBO estimated that the surplus for the next decade would approximately reach one trillion dollars. But this projection assumes, among other questionable things, that spending until 2013 is going to be constant in real dollar terms. That has never been the case. And with the current tax cuts, a realistic estimate would be a deficit in excess of six trillion.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: So the government's just bad at doing the correct math?

Akerlof: There is a systematic reason. The government is not really telling the truth to the American people. Past administrations from the time of Alexander Hamilton have on the average run responsible budgetary policies. What we have here is a form of looting.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: If so, why's the President still popular?

Akerlof: For some reason the American people does not yet recognize the dire consequences of our government budgets. It's my hope that voters are going to see how irresponsible this policy is and are going to respond in 2004 and we're going to see a reversal.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: What if that doesn't happen?

Akerlof: Future generations and even people in ten years are going to face massive public deficits and huge government debt. Then we have a choice. We can be like a very poor country with problems of threatening bankruptcy. Or we're going to have to cut back seriously on Medicare and Social Security. So the money that is going overwhelmingly to the wealthy is going to be paid by cutting services for the elderly. And people depend on those. It's only among the richest 40 percent that you begin to get households who have sizeable fractions of their own retirement income.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Is there a possibility that the government, because of the scope of current deficits, will be more reluctant to embark on a new war?

Akerlof: They would certainly have to think about debt levels, and military expenditure is already high. But if they seriously want to lead a war this will not be a large deterrent. You begin the war and ask for the money later. A more likely effect of the deficits is this: If there's another recession, we won't be able to engage in stimulatory fiscal spending to maintain full employment. Until now, there's been a great deal of trust in the American government. Markets knew that, if there is a current deficit, it will be repaid. The government has wasted that resource.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Which, in addition, might drive up interest rates quite significantly?

Akerlof: The deficit is not going to have significant effects on short-term interest rates. Rates are pretty low, and the Fed will manage to keep them that way. In the mid term it could be a serious problem. When rates rise, the massive debt it's going to bite much more.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Why is it that the Bush family seems to specialize in running up deficits? The second-largest federal deficit in absolute terms, $290 billion, occurred in 1991, during the presidency of George W. Bush's father.

Akerlof: That may be, but Bush's father committed a great act of courage by actually raising taxes. He wasn't always courageous, but this was his best public service. It was the first step to getting the deficit under control during the Clinton years. It was also a major factor in Bush's losing the election.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: It seems that the current administration has politicised you in an unprecedented way. During the course of this year, you have, with other academics, signed two public declarations of protest. One against the tax cuts, the other against waging unilateral preventive war on Iraq.

Akerlof: I think this is the worst government the US has ever had in its more than 200 years of history. It has engaged in extraordinarily irresponsible policies not only in foreign and economic but also in social and environmental policy. This is not normal government policy. Now is the time for people to engage in civil disobedience.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Of what kind?

Akerlof: I don't know yet. But I think it's time to protest - as much as possible.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Would you consider joining Democratic administration as an adviser, as your colleague Joseph Stiglitz did?

Akerlof: As you know my wife was in the last administration, and she did very well. She is probably much better suited for public service. But anything I'll be asked to do by a new administration I'd be happy to do.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: You've mentioned the term civil disobedience a minute ago. That term was made popular by the author Henry D. Thoreau, who actually advised people not to pay taxes as a means of resistance. You wouldn't call for that, would you?

Akerlof: No. I think the one thing we should do is pay our taxes. Otherwise, it'll only make matters worse.
 
Slappin' the donkey

The democratic candidates got together for a discussion/debate the other night, Al Sharpen, of all people, came out on top and got the audience going. I liked what he had to say about NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) getting rammed down our throats:

"They tell us to believe in free trade when our jobs are going south of the border, but when it comes to getting cheaper perscription drugs from north of the border, all of a sudden, they don't believe in free trade anymore."
 
http://www.msnbc.com/news/988314.asp

Be sure to read this whole article b/c this post is meant to discuss this article.

This link alone, by itself, demonstrates my initial concern for going to war in the first place. Why are we there? There are lots of things going on in this world that we dont like but what made us go after this guy out of all of them? We could have gone after North Korea (and yes I know this is something some of you would argue) but its true. N. Korea has more supposed attrocities than Saddam ever had -- from what I've read... and yes in the numbers it may not be MORE it may be less ...but North Korea definitely said they had nukes and were going to continue to make nukes! WTF??

We still haven't found ANYTHING relating to WMD in Iraq!?!? And how many American lives is that worth? How many innocent lives is that worth? None IMO.

"More recently, however, several high-ranking detainees have said they believe that Hussein was afraid to lose face with his Arab neighbors. Hussein concluded, these prisoners explained, that Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and other countries paid him deference because they feared he had weapons of mass destruction. Hussein was unwilling to reveal that his cupboard was essentially bare, these detainees said, according to accounts from officials. "

“The question we all have is, ‘What was so damned important that you were willing to go through all of this?’ ” said Killip of the Iraq Survey Group. He continued: “I’ve not heard any totally convincing explanation that’s backed up with facts. And it’s truly puzzling.”

“The only consistent pattern we’ve gotten — 100 percent consistent — is that each commander says, ‘My unit didn’t have WMD, but the one to my right or left did,’ ” said the senior U.S. official involved. This has led some American interrogators to theorize that Hussein may have bluffed not only neighboring governments and the United States, but his own restive generals."

"Our actions removed a primary instigator of conlict in this region. " -huckster

What was he going to do? Intimidate? That's all he could ever do. And with what?? Throwing rocks? Come on. Again the North Korean president Pyongyang is guilty of these crimes maybe worse AND he's admitting to having and currently making WMD?? How are they ruled out?

Ok I'm done for now ...... Discuss :D

-E
 
I think youve forgotten about the Iran/Iraq war, where Hussein did much more than throw rocks. Through our own stupidity we actually gave him part of his arsenal. But over the past fifteen years with the collapse of the soviet republic he didnt need our support anymore--he could get arms from wherever he wanted.

The reality has been that this region is very volatile and Saddam was viewed as dangerous by all of his neighbors, whether they sidled up to him or held him at a distance. His anti-American stance and ongoing support of anti-American activities was rightly considered a threat during a time in which America was/is under terrorist attack.

If anyone believes that "sticks and stones may break my bones, but words will never hurt me", they are very naive. The fact is, America didnt go back into Iraq until after the terrorist attacks on our soil. That would have been a very smart time for Hussein to denounce such aggression. He didnt, he applauded it. Considering his past aggressions, public statements of threats, treatment of his own people, and noncompliance with post desert storm inspections, Hussein was a plausible threat to our nation's security.

Im a 'dove' in my heart, but a 'hawk' in my head on this issue. Jihads are for real, citizens can be turned into terrorists based upon words. Saddams regime was an instigator of this activity.

Whether real, implied, or fabricated, the greater issue has never been the presence of wmd's within his borders. The fact that Saddam COULD obtain these weapons was even secondary to the continual threats against America. As we now all know, he doesnt need a wmd to kill thousands of Americans. He only needs to encourage a few to become terrorists.

The fact that we are arguing over the action taken with Saddam is rather disturbing. Here is a situation where he clearly stated his position as our enemy, even after we were attacked. The greater threat is the one we dont even know about. Terrorism is a form of warfare that allows for this. But it still needs the encouragement of public leaders. Saddam was such a mouthpiece. Terrorism allows for calls to action without acceptance of responsibility for the actions taken. Saddam was the kid on the playground instigating the fight. If we cant all agree on the real danger created by a Saddam, then we are accepting the presence of terrorism.
 
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040

My fellow Americans:

Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.

This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.

My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.

In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

II.

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

III.

Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.

Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology -- global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle -- with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs -- balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage -- balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.

The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.

IV.

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.

Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.

In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.

The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientifictechnological elite.

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

V.

Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

VI.

Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.

Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.

VII.

So -- in this my last good night to you as your President -- I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

You and I -- my fellow citizens -- need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:

We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
 
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